Want to “fight terrorism?” Then listen to historian Kai Bird and leave
the Middle East alone!
The
United States sustains dictators and kills with drones – of course
we’ve become a target.
·
One of Virginia’s most popular specialty license
plates reads Fight Terrorism, with
an outline of the Pentagon and the numbers 9/11/01 stamped above the phrase.
·
West Point has a Combating Terrorism Center.
·
The State Department has a collection of offices
operating under the heading FightingTerrorism.
·
And the Pentagon has a special medal for troops
taking part in the Global War onTerrorism. Ominously, some of the eligible deployments for
the medal read “TBD” (to be determined) on the ending date, including the
current wars in Syria and Iraq against the Islamic State (Operation “Inherent
Resolve”) and in Afghanistan against the Taliban (Operations “Freedom’s
Sentinel”).
As a matter of fact, our government claims that most of the
trillion dollars in taxes we pay each year to carry out U.S. foreign, military,
surveillance, police, and covert policies is used to protect American civilians
from attacks by Islamist militants. Clearly,
our politicians want to protect us from terrorism – and well they should. The
only problem is that their war on terrorism is making things more dangerous for
us.
The way that “fighting terrorism” leads to more, not
less, terrorism against Americans is brilliantly explained in a recent guest editorial
in The Nation magazine by historian
Kai Bird, entitled “The Case for Disengagement in the Middle East.”
In the Arab world, we have historically aligned ourselves with generals
and kings and narrow-minded sectarian tribal leaders. In Israel, we have become the ultimate
enablers of Likudites devoted to colonization….Our most recent military
intervention—an aerial bombing campaign against this so-called caliphate—may
serve only to incite further Salafist terrorism against American targets. It also threatens to drag the Obama
administration—and the United States—into yet another interminable Middle
Eastern war.
Bird has earned the right to a serious consideration of
his analysis. For 30 years he was immersed
in the archives of the Cold War, publishing three biographies of major U.S.
policy figures. He won the Pulitzer
Prize for his book on Robert Oppenheimer, the physicist who led the atomic bomb
project during War II but was then denied a security clearance in the 1950’s
because he questioned the need for the more 100-times more powerful hydrogen
bomb.
Bird has written two books in recent years on U.S. policy
in the Middle East. The first, Crossing
Mandelbaum Gate (2010), used personal memories and policy reviews to
describe the deterioration in the already deadly Israeli-Palestinian relations
he saw as a young son of U.S. diplomat in the 1950’s. In 2014 he published The Good Spy, a
biography of Robert Ames, the CIA’s top Middle East analyst, who was killed in
the bombing of the U.S. embassy in Lebanon in 1983. Bird concluded that for all Ames’ creative wheeling
and dealing with Arab actors and all the CIA’s spying and spending, they added
nothing to American security or the stability of the Middle East. That is because the core of U.S. policy
remains a dangerous alliance with regimes that alienate not just the militants,
but the Arab “street” as a whole.
How
our Empire Spurs Terrorism
Since 9/11 our elected officials seem to be willing to do
anything to keep us safe from more terrorist attacks. Anything, that is, except challenge the
policy that causes the attacks: U.S. domination of the Middle East through
military and covert aid to the “friendly” dictators who provide our
corporations with oil and investment opportunities. Spying on, invading, and occupying countries,
renting military and covert bases with cash and weapons that dictators then use
to put down popular dissent, drone-killings -- all of this makes us more, not
less, of a target for Islamist militants who oppose Western control of the
Middle East and North Africa.
As a result of their failure to acknowledge the
inconvenient roots of anti-American terrorism, our politicians have established
a vicious circle that virtually guarantees more attacks. The United States backs dictators because
they let us place our armed forces at air, ground, and naval bases so we can
attack the Islamists with jets, missiles, and drones, and place our covert
agents in their intelligence centers so we can track possible terror
attacks. But these acts strengthen the
very regimes the Islamists want to overthrow, so the Islamists then attack us
for backing the regimes. And the cycle
of violence starts again.
Americans rarely hear a discussion of the illogic of this
policy. In 2007 presidential candidate
Ron Paul explained during a Republican primary debate that Islamists attack us
not, as Presidents Bush and Obama like to claim, “because of our freedoms,” but
because of the freedom we take in dominating their countries by choosing and
backing dictators. When another
candidate, former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, attacked Paul for his
scandalous views that denigrated our heroes, the major media briefly covered
this difference of opinion on the roots of 9/11.
Not since then has there been a mainstream discussion of
the relationship between empire and terrorism. Perhaps in some upcoming Republican primary
debates this year we will see Paul’s son Rand, the libertarian senator from
Kentucky, start the discussion again with Lindsay Graham, the senator from
South Carolina who pushes for deeper involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts. Bird clearly wants to jump-start the
discussion. His Nation piece offers a way out that is sure to spark controversy: just
leave the Middle East alone:
Disengagement should now be our policy with both Israel and the
Arab world. We Americans should urge our government to end all arms sales to
any Arab nation ruled by a general, dictator or king. We need to isolate and
diplomatically contain any Arab regime that has demonstrably killed unarmed
protesters, as in Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. We should also close
our military installations in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar. Such a dramatic, categorical and evenhanded
withdrawal of American arms and treasure would deal a bracing shock to the
region’s ruling elites. But it would be a good and decent thing for all
concerned.
Bird ends
his piece by noting that 33 years ago he published a similar plea in the same
magazine. In that piece he acknowledged
that the U.S. policy of dominating the Middle East was just a regional example
of a global policy. Now, as then, he
wants us to answer a question posed by historian William Appleman Williams: “What
happens if we simply say no to empire as a way of life?”
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